from Booth, Ken and Tim Dunne Worlds in Collision: terror and the future of global order Palgrave Macmillan 2002

(I think I've kept within the publisher's strictures: "No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission". I've quoted only parts of paragraphs, in the interest of getting these important ideas more widely distributed. The book is eminently worth buying, too.)

James Der Derian:

quotes C. Wright Mills (emphasis added):
The media provide much information and news about what is happening in the world, but they do not often enable the listener or the viewer truly to connect his daily life with these larger realities. On the contrary, they distract him and obscure his chance to understand himself and his world, by fastening his attention upon artificial frenzies that are resolved within the program framework, usually by violent action or by what is called humor... There is almost always the general tone of animated distraction, of suspended agitation, but it is going nowhere and it has nowhere to go. (from The Power Elite, pp 314-315 [115])
...and quotes Paul Virilio: "...the emergent strategy known as 'information war', which consists in using electronics as a hegemonic technology" (114)

A mimetic war is a battle of imitation and representation, in which the relationship of who we are and who they are is played out along a wide spectrum of familiarity and friendliness, indifference and tolerance, estrangement and hostility. It can result in appreciation or denigration, accomodation or separation, assimilation or extermination. It draws physical boundaries between peoples, as well as metaphysical boundaries between life and the most radical other of life, death... it sanctions just about every kind of violence... (110)

So for the near future, virtuous war as played out by the military-industrial-media-entertainment network will be our daily bread and nightly circus. (115)

C. Raja Mohan on South Asia:

The greatest damage from the United States' Afghan war in the 1980s was the legitimation of anti-modern, extremist and intolerant forces in the region. (209)
??did the US have an 'Afghan war'?? I hear them say... how quickly we forget the whole Cold War-era proxy war thing, the Contras in Nicaragua, the Savimbi faction in Angola, Saddam against Iran and against the Kurds...

Paul Rogers:

State authorities concentrate almost exclusively on threats to their own power, whereas most terrorism is actually conducted by states against their own populations. (215)

In terms of socioeconomic divisions, the global trend of recent decades has been for an elite of about 1 billion to move rapidly ahead of the remaining 5 billion, with the ratio of inequality between the richest and poorest fifths of the global population nearly doubling. (217)...a potential revolution of frustrated expectations. Frequent results include substantial and increasing pressure to migrate, endemic problems of criminality and, in many parts of the world, anti-elite insurgencies and rebellions often stemming from the development of radical social movements... (217)Is there any indication that the core 'drivers' of potential insecurity need to be addressed, or is it a matter of maintaining the existing order?(219) ...[Since 11 September] the reaction of the United States has not been to address the core issues underlying the strength of (Al-Qaeda) and other networks, but rather to seek to maintain control with great vigour and expanded military force. (223)

Colin Gray:

It is the American way in statecraft to ideologize the basically mundane. (233)

Benjamin R. Barber:

(protesters against "civilizational globalization") ...have mostly been written off as anarchists or know-nothings. More media attention has been paid to their theatrics than to the deep problems those theatrics are intended to highlight... Their grievances concern not world order but world disorder, and if the mostly young demonstrators are a little foolish in their politics, a little naive in their analyses and a little short on viable solutions, they understand with a sophistication their leaders apparently lack that globalization's current architecture breeds anarchy, nihilism and violence... (249)

...globalization too often looks like an imperious strategy of a predominantly American behemoth; what we understand as the opportunities to secure liberty and prosperity at home too often seem to [the South] but a rationalization for exploitation and oppression in the international sphere; what we call the international order is too often for them an international disorder. Our neo-liberal antagonism to all political regulation in the global sector, to all institutions of political and legal oversight, to all attempts at democratizing globalization and institutionalizing economic juustice looks to them like brute indifference to their welfare and their claims for justice. Western beneficiaries of McWorld celebrate market ideology with its commitment to the privatization of all things public and the commercialization of all things private, and consequently insist on total freedom from government interference in the global economic sector...(250)

It is not for the world to join the US: McWorld already operates on this premise and the premise is precisely the problem; certainly anything but a key to the solution. It is rather for the US to join the world on whatever terms it can negotiate on an equal footing with the world. (253)

The encompassing practices of globalization nurtured by McWorld have in fact created a radical asymmetry: they have managed to globalize markets in goods, labour, currencies and information without globalizing the civic and democratic institutions that have historically comprised the free market's indispensable context. (258)

The resulting global asymmetry, in which both states and markets serve only the interests of markets, damages not only a well-functioning democratic civil order, but also a well-functioning international economic order. The continuing spread of the new globalization has only deepened the asymmetry between private vices and public goods. McWorld in tandem with the global market economy has globalized many of our vices and almost none of our virtues. It has globalized crime, the rogue weapons trade, and drugs, pornography, and the trade in women and children made possible by 'porn tourism'. (258)

Saskia Sassen:

...what one hears and reads outside the US should be attended to and positioned as a 'decentered' view; not necessarily an opposite view, but one that does not have the US suffering [over 11 September] and interests at its centre... in my research on globalization, I have come to see that decentering the production of knowledge about globalization is crucial for a better analysis. (313)

...the growth of debt and unemployment, and the decline of traditional economic sectors, is feeding multiple forms of extreme reactions, such as, for example, an exploding illegal trade in people, largely directed to the rich countries. Using the latest available data, the United Nations estimates that 4 million people were trafficked in 1998, producing a profit of $7 billion for criminal groups. (316)