21 May 2004
I talked with Jenny yesterday about her ideas for a senior thesis, and suggested that her imminent summer in Taiwan was a golden opportunity (since it's a setting in which she'll be personally immersed, as opposed to one she'd have to imagine) to undertake an ethnographic project focused on gathering stories about education from the people she encounters --family, peers, etc.-- and that she could then base her thesis in that data, emphasizing the changes that emerge from stories of people of different ages. It seems to me that the approach could reconcile her wish to do something "creative" with the expectations of the East Asian Studies committee for the form and content of a thesis. I tried to make it clear that this path would require a lot of work, and told her that I'd be glad to work with her on any aspects of the project where I could be helpful.

There's a pretty high level of risk in this path, but it could work out well if Jenny is determined that it's a viable project, if she's able to get (and make effective use of) support from W&L (viz, e-mail consultation while she's in Taiwan, which I said I'd be glad to provide), and if she's able to keep a focus on collecting people's stories. It means a lot of writing, exploring, and translating. My only qualm is that she may not have the time to gather what she needs (I don't know details of what else she'd be doing during the summer).

I've done some searching and thinking about available resources, which I'll try to summarize below in a form that's intended to prove useful to both Jenny herself and to other members of her potential committee. If I did more exhaustive searching I'm pretty sure I could find substantial scholarly literature on Taiwanese education, but I question just how useful and relevant that would be to what Jenny wants to do.

On the issue of what kind of approach it is reasonable/legitimate to take: I recently encountered an interesting byway in literature on ethnography, and ordered this book for the library:

Ellis, Carolyn, 1950-
The ethnographic I : a methodological novel about autoethnography
Walnut Creek, CA : AltaMira Press, c2004.
GN307.7 .E435 2004.

others by the same author that we don't have at the moment:
review of Arthur P. Bochner & Carolyn Ellis (Eds.) (2002). Ethnographically Speaking: Autoethnography, Literature and Aesthetics Walnut Creek: Alta Mira Press ISBN Paper, 0-7591-0129-9

Composing Ethnography: Alternative Forms of Qualitative Writing Carolyn Ellis and Arthur P. Bochner, eds. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996

Carolyn Ellis bibliography

see also:

Writing the New Ethnography by H. Lloyd Goodall Rowman & Littlefield (non NBN); (January 19, 2000) ISBN: 0742503399

On the subject of the Taiwanese education system, here are some links to some basic background, and a few suggestive fragments:

Taiwan Yearbook 2003 chapter on Education

TESTING 1-2-3: Confucian Legacy and Examination Reform in Taiwan By Glenn Shive

Taiwan's Educational Development and Present Situation

U. Iowa on Taiwanese education system characteristics

Fred Gale's Teaching in China links includes a section on Taiwan, but links are dead... might be available via Wayback, but mostly concerned with teaching English

School Culture: Perspectives from Taiwanese and South Floridian Educators Patrice R. LeBlanc Florida Journal of Educational Research Fall 1997, Vol. 37(1)

The Transformation of Taiwan's Upper Secondary Education System: A Policy Analysis Hueih-Lirng Laih Education Policy Analysis Archives Volume 6 Number 18 September 8, 1998

from Educational Centralization and Decentralization in East Asia Paper presented at the APEC Educational Reform Summit January 2004, Beijing, China Frederick K.S. Leung

Of the East Asian economies discussed in this paper, Taiwan represents the most radical as far as its educational decentralization is concerned. The decentralization movement started with the lifting of the martial law in 1987. Although recent concerns about the financing of education played a role in these reform initiatives, the main impetus of change was politically triggered.

When the martial law was lifted in Taiwan in 1987, the political climate was one of rapid democratization. Since every aspect of life had been so tightly controlled by the government under the martial law, there was a sentiment among Taiwanese in the late 1980s of getting rid of any control from the government. In the realm of education, with the transition to multi-party politics, the task of the education machinery in disseminating the KMT government's ideologies was no longer needed. This alleviated the need for a tight political control of education, and made room for the decentralization of education.

Like other East Asian economies, the Taiwanese education system was very centralized before 1987. All major educational policies, including the education budget, design of the standardized school curriculum and textbooks, the examination system, appointment of university presidents, policies concerning teacher education institutions etc. were centrally determined. And for many years, private schools were forbidden. The more open atmosphere after the lifting of the martial law prompted the Taiwanese people to express their aspirations about different aspects of life more openly, including the very important aspect of education. Dissatisfied with the very rigid education system, a mass rally of more than 10,000 people was held in April 1994 urging for modernization of the education system. Consequent to the rally, the 7th National Education Conference was organized by the Ministry of Education in June 1994 to explore ways forward, and a report was released in February 1995, urging for lowering the study pressure on students and 'freeing' education (Ministry of Education, 1995).

As a response to these pressures, a series of decentralization measures were taken. For example: teacher education provision, which used to be provided in normal universities (i.e., teacher training universities) and colleges of education only, was open to other universities in 1994; and in 1996, the school textbooks market was made open to the public. Later, agents other than the state were allowed to operate schools, and private schools were actually encouraged.

In November 1994, a Council on Education Reform was established under the directorship of the Nobel Laureate Y.Z. Lee. The Council produced a series of reports in which a number of policy suggestions were made. Among them, the most significant is the deregulation of education. According to the Council, the only way to modernize the education system in Taiwan is to deregulate it, and there are four areas where deregulation is needed: (1) responsibility for the use of educational resources, (2) educational structures, (3) educational content, and (4) educational administration (Council on Education Reform of the Executive Yuan, 1995, p.25). So radical are these recommendations perceived that it is described as an 'earthquake' in Taiwan (Weng, 2003, p.51).

It may seem strange that since it was the people who first demanded change, why did these deregulation suggestions sound so radical to them? An analysis of the background of those who made the proposals for change may shed light on this question Many of the key players who made these recommendations received their higher education in the US, and it is clear that these deregulation suggestions have their roots in a Western culture. However, the general populace is still deeply rooted in the traditional Chinese culture. Although they are not satisfied with the traditional centralized system, yet they find this extreme form of decentralization incompatible with their culture which stresses harmony and order (see discussion below). Hence, this 'earthquake' actually represents a clash of the cultures between the East and the West

"the Taiwanese system, which is heavily focused on tests and public examinations..." (from International Education 1997)

"The Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) announced a new plan yesterday to strengthen supplemental education for Taiwanese children of businesspeople working in China..." (Taipei Times)

froogle digital voice recorders with USB connection... which raises the question of whether she'll be using a laptop?

from Annie:

Women's working lives in East Asia / edited by Mary C. Brinton
Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, 2001
wHD6196 .W66 2001
especially Ch. 11 Daughters, Parents, and Globalization: The Case of Taiwan / Nidhi Mehrotra, William L. Parish pp 298-322

Population change and economic development in East Asia : challenges met, opportunities seized / edited by Andrew Mason
Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, c2001
Leyburn-Level 4 HB3650.5.A3 P66 2001
especially 9 Education and the East Asian Miracle / Dennis A. Ahlburg, Eric R. Jensen 231-254
11 Education, Earning, and Fertility in Taiwan / Fung-Mey Huang 279-299

tment in women's human capital / edited by T. Paul Schultz
Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1995
HD4904.7 .I58 1995
especially 9 Daughters, Education, and Family Budgets: Taiwan Experiences / William L. Parish, Robert J. Willis 239-272

Chang, C. & Wu, Y.C. Women's studies in Taiwan and gender equity education. Research in Applied Psychology. 2002; 13:73-107. (journal published in Taiwan)

from http://www.sinorama.com.tw/en/Taiwan50/Taiwan-50-4.html (Google cache)
Laura Li (tr. by Jonathan Barnard)

Literature is the reflection of poplars in a lake, conveying a reality apart from the poplars themselves. Philosophy consists of questions posed from a garden maze while looking skyward on a starry night. History is a rose blooming in the desert, behind which is a long story, with many twists and turns. The author Lung Ying-tai, head of the Taipei City Cultural Council Planning Office, used these metaphors in a speech she made to the political science department at National Taiwan University. Her hope was that over the course of their future careers in government and politics, the students in her audience would from time to time reflect upon the humanities' concerns.

Over the past half century, what has been the history of culture and education in Taiwan? What new understandings have been grasped in these realms?

By the end of World War II, Mrs. Chen, now 75, had graduated from normal school and was teaching at a public school. When the news came that the Japanese emperor had surrendered, all of the school's teachers and students broke down. Returning home teary-eyed, she was caught off guard when her grandfather gently chided her, "Foolish child, your own people won the war. What are you crying for?"

"Until that moment I hadn't realized I was Chinese and not Japanese." It was just the first in a series of cultural shocks. Fluent in Japanese, she now had to open a textbook and learn the rudiments of Mandarin. Fortunately, her parents' native tongue was Taiwanese, a Chinese dialect after all, and the traditions of her family of farmers and scholars made her no stranger to things Chinese. And so she moved in a short time from perusing a few thin standardized teachers' guides, to having a muddled understanding of Chinese grammar and history, to introducing China-that vast and distant land-to students who were even more ignorant of it than her. It was no easy feat.

Out with Japan, in with China

In 1950, only shortly after the central government had decamped to Taipei, it banned the use of Japanese in Taiwan and took a series of measures to erase the Japanese influence on Taiwanese culture. That same year the Ministry of Education issued "An Outline for the Implementation of Measures to Strengthen National Education during the Period of National Rebellion." For decades to come, all educational policy would revolve around two slogans: "Recover Mainland China" and "Support the Leadership." Apart from observing a flag-raising ceremony every day at school and reverently reading Sun Yat-sen's will, children were given as role models great Chinese patriots such as Yue Fei, Shi Gefa and Wen Tianxiang. They were taught that the Yellow and Yangtze Rivers of central China and even Mt. Changpai and the Amur River of Manchuria were salient geographical features of their supposed homeland. And over the some 40 years that the policies of mass education and indoctrination were firmly in place, radios and televisions would blare numerous heart-swelling television theme songs, each invoking the same patriotic themes: "The Everlasting Glory," "Changing Seasons on the Yangtze," "Descendants of the Dragon" . . . . Even today, they're quite stirring.

In the 1960s, the Communist authorities on the mainland knocked Confucius off his historical pedestal and hoisted Qin Shihuang, the first emperor of a united China, in his place. They also launched a campaign against the "four olds" (old ideas, culture, customs and habits), which was quickly followed by the momentous Cultural Revolution. While a 5,000-year-old cultural legacy was being smashed to smithereens on the mainland, the ROC's commitment to "revive classical Chinese culture and carry on traditional ways" represented a difficult burden for the small island of Taiwan to bear by itself. President Chiang Kai-shek would serve as head of the "Council for Chinese Cultural Renaissance." Peking opera and classical Chinese painting were deliberately promoted and local Taiwanese culture suppressed.

Yet along with a growing stress on the intellectual traditions of "Greater China," Taiwan started modernizing rapidly. During the 1960s, Taiwan began a smooth transformation from an agricultural to a light-industrial society. In 1968, to cultivate the high-quality personnel that modernization demanded, Taiwan, with a per capita income of less than US$300, grit its teeth and implemented compulsory education through ninth grade.

"At first, there weren't enough classrooms," says a Miss Chang, who is now 45 and was in the first class of compulsory junior high school students. The record was 80 pupils in one classroom. "Often, textbooks wouldn't be rushed to schools until classes had already been in session for a week or two. And what was even more of a joke, the teachers for just about every subject-be it English, math, physics, chemistry or whatever-were often just learning the subjects themselves!"

Nine-year compulsory education may have gotten off to a dismal start, but it did end up raising the overall level of education in Taiwan. The island's highly educated (as well as docile and hardworking) labor force is widely recognized as a key component in Taiwan's miraculous economic advance.

Democracy and educational freedom

At the beginning of the 1980s the political atmosphere began to loosen up. In society, consumer, environmental, women's, labor and other movements rose up one after another, and yet education, like an impregnable fortress, remained unchanged. Looking back today, it appears that just as the various social movements started to die down, the educational-reform movement-as if having a delayed reaction to the changing times-took off full steam.

Calls for educational reform began as early as 1981 with the founding of the Humanistic Education Foundation. Holding that "students should be the focus of the schools," the foundation advocated reforming education to make it more humanistic, diverse and flexible. Its proposals could only be tried outside of the educational structure under the guise of "experimentation," but these experiments caught hold. Eventually, when 10,000 demonstrators showed up to march for educational reform on April 10, 1994, they commanded the government's attention.

Chang Tze-chou, a forestry professor at National Taiwan University who was one of the organizers of the march, notes that the points emphasized in today's educational reform policy-"the loosening of central control," "small schools, small classes," and "broadening access to high schools and colleges"-were among the marchers' major demands. Their purpose was simple: to liberate education in Taiwan from its centralized, authoritarian structure that forced students to receive educations ill-suited to their individual needs and to cram for joint entrance exams in order to proceed to the next educational level. Not long after the demonstration, the government formed the Educational Reform Council and named Lee Yuan-tseh, president of the Academia Sinica, as its head. Since then the council has been hatching one educational reform proposal after another.

Minister of Education Kirby Yang points out that in order to attain the goal of small classes in small schools (so that by 2008 there are no junior high schools or elementary schools with more than 35 students in a classroom), the Ministry of Education plans to budget more than NT$100 billion. Year by year, they want to improve equipment and bolster teaching resources. To create more diversity in education, private publishers have been permitted to issue elementary school textbooks since 1997. (Previously, the National Institute for Compilation and Translation compiled them all.) In order to lessen the pressures associated with the joint entrance exams, various factors are now considered in high school admissions. The dreaded entrance examination for colleges and universities will also be eliminated in 2002.

Flexible, diverse, international

Educational reform is an important long-term goal. Nevertheless, perhaps society is overly concerned about it, resulting in it being carried out in a panicked, helter-skelter manner. The past five years have witnessed the loosening of central control, the use of recommendations and interviews in admissions, the adoption of self-study programs and the A-F grading method. . . . Amid a constant stream of new educational terms, teachers, students and parents are being asked to confront the newest reform measure before they have had a chance to adapt to the last. Originally an integrated curriculum spanning all the way from first- to ninth-grade was supposed to be in place next year. But as of yet no real curriculum content has been developed, and it is difficult to find any teaching resources regarding it. Teachers, as a result, are griping.

"The details of educational reform perhaps ought to be reconsidered," says Yang Chao-hsiang. "But the general direction is clear-toward something more flexible, diverse and international." He notes that starting next year, so as to better prepare students for the demands of global competition, English instruction will begin in fifth grade. And two trends expected in the 21st century-increased job mobility and an aging populace-have prodded the Ministry of Education to promote a concept of "lifelong learning" and to open community colleges in every county and city.

And yet the liberalization of education has had its unfortunate side effects. For the last half century, thanks to the government policy of subsidizing tuition, equality of educational opportunity has helped to create great upward mobility in Taiwan. Chen Shui-bian, the Democratic Progressive Party's candidate for president who came from a very impoverished family, is just one example of a poor boy who has made out well. One result of the relaxation of central control is that high schools and colleges are now free to set their own fees. It is a source of concern that student fees and textbook charges are climbing every term.

Knowledge does not equal culture

For Taiwan, which is just now confronting the knowledge-based competition of the information age, the educational reforms came at the perfect time. Currently, the country has more than 130 colleges and universities, more than twice as many as a decade ago. Over the same period, the rate of success on the joint entrance exams for universities and colleges jumped from only 30% to 60%. Even more surprising, last year graduate school programs received 60,000 applicants, which is equal to the number of people graduating from college that year! (Of course, many people applied to more than one program.) "This shows that most people are no longer satisfied with just graduating from college," says Kung Peng-cheng, the president of Fokuang University. "Now they want to advance to the next educational level."

Nevertheless, Kung also stresses that educational reform should not get so bogged down with educational techniques that it gives short shrift to humanitarian thinking. He points out that 50 years of emphasis on education in Taiwan has produced no truly great thinkers. And while educational reform has been all the rage in recent years, the cultural realm has been quite listless. In many areas, including literature, philosophy, film, drama and painting, the term "regression" might not be inappropriate to describe the period.

Kung cites this example: In order to prevent the so-called "excess of humanities graduates" and "high unemployment among college graduates," over the last decade various universities have cut back or disbanded their literature, history and philosophy departments. Of the 530,000 undergraduate and graduate students at Taiwan's universities and colleges, 230,000 are majoring in computer science, chemical engineering or other engineering subjects. Only 36,000 students are studying the humanities-literature, philosophy, history and so forth.

"When the treasures from the National Palace Museum go overseas, which art expert is going to show up to negotiate?" asks Kung Peng-cheng. "There is no one, because in Taiwan there are no doctoral programs in classical art." According to cultural preservation law, archeological surveys by the Council for Cultural Planning and Development are required for large domestic construction projects. A question, please: How many archeologists are there in Taiwan qualified to carry out this important task? The answer: 12.

The native soil

The lack of emphasis placed on humanities within Taiwan's educational system reflects the practical and materialistic nature of society here. Yet before economic development twisted everything, Taiwan also experienced a short-lived cultural and artistic renaissance, whose effects are still in evidence today. Kung recalls the hubbub unleashed by the "native soil" literary movement in 1977, when work by Huang Chun-ming, Wang Chen-ho and other writers of that school first began to appear. These works shifted the focus of literature in Taiwan from mainland China, the setting of most earlier novels such as Weiyang Song and The Green and the Black, to Taiwan itself and the blood, sweat and tears of ordinary people here.

The effects of the movement were deep and far-reaching. Literature began to carve out a unique identity for the island of Taiwan and its people. The movement also influenced the "new wave" of Taiwanese cinema in the 1980s, when Dust in the Wind, The Boy from Fengkwei and other films by Hou Hsiao-hsien offered glimpses of the true face of Taiwanese life to audiences at overseas film festivals.

The controversy about the Taiwanization of culture was later carried into the political debate on the question of unification versus independence. Still later it was a primary moving force behind the push for localized education and mother-tongue instruction. After the Council for Cultural Planning and Development proposed a plan for "integrated community development" in 1987, "literature and history workshops" were opened all across Taiwan. Old Dutch, Qing-dynasty and Japanese documents that had long been collecting dust once again saw the light of day, and bit by bit the history of the isle of Formosa was pieced together.

Just as Taiwan itself was becoming the focus of culture here, the government began in the 1980s to allow people to visit their relatives on the mainland, and this sparked an era of cultural exchange across the Taiwan Strait. While Hou Hsiao-hsien's City of Sadness was bringing tears the eyes of Taiwan audiences, so too was To Live, by the mainland director Chang Yimou. At the same time that the Minghua Garden Taiwanese opera company was riding a wave of popularity across the island, Peking opera from Beijing, Sichuan bianlian dramas and western Hunanese tan dramas were all playing to enthusiastic audiences at the National Theater in Taipei.

There was an awareness of the native soil, but at the same time there was a sense of shared borders with mainland China and the world. Why has this once vibrant cultural scene gradually grown silent?

Who can resist capitalism?

"The pressures of the box office are of course the principal reason for the cultural lull," argues Ping Lu, a critic who has taught drama at the National Institute of the Arts. Ping points out that not unlike other activities of the late 20th century, culture is struggling to survive under the dark shadow of capitalism. What has moneymaking potential is quickly appropriated by hawk-eyed capitalists to become an unending stream of freshly churned-out cultural consumer goods. What is unwilling or unable to make money is fated to have a small audience or even to die out altogether.

Ping Lu laments that political memoirs, which served as a record of the age, have been replaced by all manner of books by and about celebrities, which cater to readers' appetites for secrets and salacious detail. Purely literary works with serious topics and artistic content, moreover, have gradually been replaced by the pap and potboilers of "popular literature."

Behind the superficially flourishing publishing industry is a canny commercialism. No one now is willing to take the time to discover and cultivate a new generation of writers with potential. In this global age of advanced communications, it's just so much easier to publish bestsellers from overseas. The books that have sold well this year are mostly translations bearing the banner, "A New York Times bestseller." Even books are being sold like name-brand consumer goods!

Yang Chao, a cultural critic who has written several novels, argues that the strength of popular literature is a direct reflection upon the powerlessness of the educational system. For many years, the reading of books has been associated with school and the taking of tests, something that only students need do. Studying, moreover, is done to obtain practical, materialistic goals. Cultural and philosophical ideas, as far as readers are concerned, are superfluous. It should come as no surprise, then, that cultivating cultural depth in these times is not easy.

The performing arts, which were once causing quite a stir with the Cloud Gate dance troupe, the Ya-Yin opera company, and the Performance Workshop, now seem enervated. And the cutting-edge and subversive small-theater movement of a decade ago has lost its momentum.

"The focus of cultural groups has long since shifted from making artistic breakthroughs or raising the level of culture to getting a piece of the economic pie!" That's the frank assessment of Nan Fang Shuo, who has served as a judge for the National Culture and Arts Foundation. Popular culture has encroached upon the realm of pure art and now seems intent on squeezing it out altogether. For money, art groups have shifted their gaze to the Council for Cultural Planning and Development and other government agencies. And under the principle of giving everybody an even share of the pie, the mediocre survive on their last legs, whereas the truly first-rate have no way to get stronger. This represents a loss for all of us, and people who work in cultural fields ought to mull over its significance.

"Culture is a reflection of the collective consciousness of a society," Ping Lu says. "If culture is to have an independent existence and develop with dignity, then society needs to grow up and foster a capacity for deeper thinking." Can Taiwan, after experiencing a period of vulgar boom-time prosperity, calm down to reflect upon things thoughtfully? Ping Lu evinces little optimism.

Education and culture in Taiwan have cast off the shackles of authoritarianism and established their own basic frameworks while hungrily absorbing influences from abroad. Yet they still have a long road to go before their achievements bear any real meaning.

Wild Kids: Two Novels About Growing Up Chang Ta-chun Translated by Michael Berry PL2837.T3 Y4413 2000

Others found via Amazon.com, which might be worth getting by InterLibrary Loan in the Fall:

Women and Education in China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan (Special Studies in Comparative Education, No 26) by Lois. Weis

The Confucian Continuum: Educational Modernization in Taiwan by Douglas C. Smith (Author)